˲    в         ˲    ˲    ˲ò            



[ . . . ., 2007. . 211-221.]

       





̲




1. ϳ ( Patocka Memorial Lecture), ³ 3 1993 Newsletter 40 ³ fur Wissenschaften vom Menschen, , . .

2. , 1962, . 299.

3. , 1990; , 1991; , 1991.

4. , 1925 (1899), . 89.

5. , 1991 (1986/1987), . 216.

6. . , 1985 (1959), . 75.

7. . V, 2.

8. .

9. , 1975.

10. , 1981; , 1986.

11. ͳ, 1984 (1963).

12. , 1963. 1992 . .

13. : , 1946; , 1962; , 1986 (1981); , 1983 1991; , 1991.

14. . . , 1963, . 129. There are manques states as there are manques artists, as France perhaps demonstrates.

15. . . , 1963, . 80 81. Without such consensus political authority remains the most sensitive political problem in the new nations. Some older countries have never been able to overcome these difficulties. France never institutionalized her constitutional order sufficiently. Primordial loyalties still flourish. Political authority, never fully integrated within the framework of law, demeaned the framework itself in spite of the very elaborated legal structure of France as a modern state.

16. ˳, 1963, c. 11, 224 225. France today the rule of law has not be been institutionalized to nearly the same degree, and populism remains as the principal source of, and threat to, the legitimacy that is granted to agents of authority <...>. France sought to adopt the same syndrome of values which United States developed: achievement, equalitarianism, /212/ universalism <...>. The French failure stems from the fact that, in contrast to America, the forces of the Revolution were not strong enough to sustain value consensus among the key social groupings.

17. . 92, c. 182. The American War of Independence eventually facilitated the identification of radicalism with nationalism in France and strengthened the appeal of the collectivist (etatist) and undemocratic reinterpretation of the values of liberty, equality, and nation.

18. Moc, 1969, (1920?), c. 594. , 1920 p., .

19. , 1991, . 25.

20. , , .

21. , 1969 (1920?), . 605.

22. , 1968 (1904), . 93.

23. , 1968 (1904), . 93-94.






IJ


1. , , - .

2. , . , .

3. , 1986(1981).

4. , 1990, . 47. Certain variants of feelings of collective belonging which already existed and which could operate, as it were, potentially on the macro-political scale which would fit it with modern states and nations.

5. E. . , 1963, . 21 22. Prepolitical matrix of institutions, beliefs and solidarities.

6. . . -, 1975, . 177 . Subnations.

7. , 1982.

8. , 1960, . 132.

9. , 1969.

10. . . . -, 1975.

11. , 1978, . 589. An ethnic group may be readily discerned by an anthropologist or other outside observer, but until the members are themselves aware of the groups uniqueness, it is merely an ethnic group and not a nation. . . . . -㳺, 1991, . 159.

12. -, 1977, . 5. Thus I am driven to the conclusion that no scientific definition of the nation can be devised; yet the phenomenon has existed and exists. All that I can find to say is that a nation exists /213/ when a significant number of people in a community consider themselves to form a nation, or behave as if they formed one.

13. , 1982.

14. , 1972. , , . ϳ , , , .

15. . . -㳺, 1991, . 187.

16. . . , 1991, . 296 310.

17. , 1947 (1882), . 887.

18. , 1947 (1882), . 888.  >-

19. , 1969 (1920?), . 581.

20. , 1969 (1920?), . 583.

21. , 1969 (1920?), . 584-585.

22. , 1962, . 17.

23. .

24. , 1947, . 627. Nation im üblichen Sprach-gebrauch ist zunächst nicht identisch mit Staatvolk, d. h. der jeweiligen Zugehörigkeit (zu) einer politischen Gemeinschaft. Derm zahlreiche politische Gemeinschaften (so Österreich vor 1918) umfassen Menschengruppen, aus deren Kreisen emphatisch die Selbständigkeit ihrer Nation den anderen Gruppen gegenüber betont wird, oder andererseits Teile einer von den Beteiligen als einheitliche Nation hingestellten Menschengruppe (so ebenfalls Österreich). ͳ- .

25. , Politische Schriften, . , 1967 (1964), . 646 (. ).

26. , 1947, . 630. Reine Kunst und Literatur von deutscher Eigenart sind nicht im politischen Zentrum Deutschland entstanden. . . ͳ-.

27. , 1985 (1959).

28. , 1985 (1959), . 79.

29. , 1983.

30. -, 1977, . 332.

31. , 1987, . 161.

32. . Գ, 1992 (1806), . 42.

33. , 1991, . 27.

34. , 1969 (1920?), . 574.

35. , 1962, . 297.

36. , 1969 (1920?), . 604.

37. , 1962, . 297.

38. , , 1983, . 11; , 1991, . 2, . 181 .

39. , 1972, (1748), . 291-292.

40. , 1971 (1913) (.), . 421; 1947, . 222. Wie auszerordentlich leicht speziell politisches Gemeinschaftshandeln die Vorstellung der /214/ Blutgemeinschaft erzeugt falls nicht allzudrastische Unterschiede des anthropologischen Typus im Wege stehen, zeigt der ganze Verlauf der Geschichte.

41. K. . , 1963, . 156. What the civic sense more than anything else seems to involve is a definite concept of the public as a separate and distinct body and an attendant notion of a genuine public interest, which though not necessarily superior to, is independent of and at times even in conflict with, both private and other sort of collective interest.

42. , . , 1974, c. 44.

43. . , 1967 (1964), . 643 (. . ).

44. , 1969 (1920?), . 608.

45. ҳ (.), 1975.

46. , 1925 (1899), . 78.

47. , 1986, . 166.

48. , 1991, . 71.







IJ II


1. . . , 1992.

2. , 1947 (1882), . 896, 899, 902, 903.

3. , 1983, . 54. Clubs, conspiracies, gangs, teams, parties, not to mention the many numerous communities and association of the preindustrial age.

4. , . -㳺, 1991, . 236.

5. , 1969 (1920?), . 595 596.

6. , 1969 (1920?), . 598 601.

7. , 1947 (1913), . 627. Nationale Zugehörigkeit nicht auf realer Blutsgemeinschaft ruhen muss, vollends ist Gemeinsamkeit eines spezifischen anthropologischen Typus zwar nicht einfach gleichgültig, des anderren grossen Massenkulturguts, Nation ist ein Begriff, der, wenn, überhaupt eindeutig, dann jedenfalls nicht nach empirischen gemeinsamen Qualitäten der ihr Zugerechneten definiert warden kann. . ͳ-. . 242 (. 424 , 1971).

8. , 1969 (1920?), . 54.

9. , 1971 ( 1913) (.), . 427; , 1947, . 22. Offenbar ist also national wenn überhaupt etwas Einheiliches dann eine spezifische Art von Pathos, welches sich in einer durch etwas Sprach, Konfessions, Sitten oder Schicksalsgemeinschaft verbundenen Menschengruppe von ihr ersehnten politischen Machtgebildeorganisation verbindet, und zwar je mehr der Nachdruck auf Macht gelegt wird, desto spezifischer.

10. ˳, 1963, c. 7. /215/

11. , 1992, c. 14.

12. , 1971 ( 1913) (.), c. 427; , 1947, c. 226. Immer wieder finden wir uns be idem Begriff Nation auf die Beziehung zur politischen Macht hingewiesen.

13. , 1971 ( 1913) (.), . 427; , 1947, c. 226; Und doch ist z. B. bei den Schweizern das stolze Selbstbewusstsein auf ihre Eigenart und die Bereitschaft, sich rückhaltlos fur sie einzusetzen, weder qualitative anders geartet noch quantitative unter ihnen weniger verbreitet, als bei irgendeiner quantitative groszen und auf Macht abgestellten Nation.

14. , 1968 (1964).

15. ˳, 1963, . 73 78. ˳, 1990.

16. , , .

17. , 1986 (1946), . 134.

18. , 1992, . 41 .

19. Ò, . 136 300.

20. Ò, . 333, 345 64.

21. Ò, . 150.

22. , 1989, . 41. In the famous law of the 3d of Charles I, called the Petition of Right, the parliament says to the king, your subjects have inherited this freedom, claiming their franchises not on abstract principles as the rights of men, but as the rights of Englishmen, and as a patrimony derived from their forefathers.

23. , c. 40. All the reformations we have hitherto made, have proceeded upon the principle of reference to antiquity.

24. , c. 18. Alone (The British system) represented a slow conventional growth, not like the others, the product of deliberate invention <...>. Because it was first, the English later the British experience remained distinct.

25. ˳, 1963.

26. T. . -, 1975, . 56; , 1992, . 13.

27. , 1991.

28. -, 1963.

29. . . -, 1993, . 59.

30. , 1991 (1969), . 684.

31. , 1991 (1969), . 33.

32. , 1968 (1964), . 90.

33. , 1992 (1835), . 394.

34. , 1986 (1946), . 55 ( ).

35. ᒺ , 1991.

36. , 1991, . 251.

37. ϳ, 1917, . 20. /216/

38. ϳ, 1917, . 5.

39. , 1947 (1870), . 416.

40. . III, 2 .

41. ³, 1991, . 84.

42. , 1992.

43. . , . , 1973 (1972), . 106.

44. , 1954, . 39.

45. , 1973 (1972), . 606.

46. , 1988 (1982), . 27.

47. . , 1982, . 101. , 쳿. . , 1974, . 52.

48. , 1990, . 238.

49. , 1991, . 194.

50. , 1991, . 195.

51. -, 1992.

52. , 1991, . 27.

53. ϳ 𳿻, 1988.

54. . , 1989 (1790), . XV.

55. , 1991 (1986-87), . 261 263.

56. , 1986, . 212-213.

57. . , 1986, . 212 213.

58. . , 1985, . 122.







IJ III


1. . ³-, Գ, 1985, . 6.

2. , 1991, Գ .

3. , 1991, . 62.

4. , 1. 4 5, . , . 74.

5. , ., 1317, 40 17.

6. , ., 1280, 32 35.

7. , 1981, . 167.

8. Գ, 1954, . 256.

9. , De Legibus, 1, 23, . . , 1981, . 172.

10. , 1979, . 318-319.

11. Գ, 1985 (1983), . 139-140.

12. , 1982 (1921), . 209; , 1947, . 600. Nirgens in der Welt ist eine derartige politische Patronage in den Händer einzelner, formell rein privater Familien einigt gewesen.

13. ͳ, 1976.

14. , 1982 (1921), c. 62; , 1947, c. 534. Der Bürger trat wenigstens bei Neuschöpfungen als Einzelner in die Bürgerschaft ein. Als Einzelner schwur er den Bürgereid. Die persönliche Zugehörigkeit /217/ zum örtlichen Verband der Stadt, und nicht die Sippe oder der Stamm, garantierte ihm seine personliche Rechtsstellung als Bürger.

15. , 1988 (1968), c. 344.

16. , 1987, c. 26.

17. , 1992, c. 333.

18. , 1989, c. 252. We begin our public affection in our families. No cold relation is a zealous citizen. We pass on to our neighborhoods and our habitual provincial connections. Such divisions of our country as have been formed by habit, and nor by a sudden jerk of authority, were so many little images of the great country in which the heart found something which it could fill. The love to the whole is not extinguished by this subordinate partiality.

19. ̳, . , 1992, . 453.

20. ., , 1969 (1920?), , 1983.

21. , 1987, . 170.

22. Գ . , 1993.

23. , 1992.

24. , 1939.

25. , 1992; , 1993; ., 1993.

26. , 1983.

27. . ’, 1993, . 343.

28. . . -, 1975, . 55.

29. , 1991, . 155 .

30. , 1991, . 269 270.

31. ³, 1991, 1992 . . . 183-184.

32. , 1969(1920?), . 593.

33. . , 1992, . 337.

34. ˳, 1968; ˳, 1977, .

35. ˳, 1977, . 168. Common background and outlook.

36. 䳺, 1992.

37. , 1991 (1986/1987), . 235 .

38. , , 1992, . 113.

39. -, 1992.

40. , 69 . .

41. ϳ , . , 1991, . 51 71.

42. 15 000 .

43. , 1992 (1840), . 787.

44. , 1962, . 170.

45. ³, 1991, . 425.

46. , 1992 (1840), . 797.

47. , 1947 (1870), . 434.

48. , 1958.

49. . -, 1986, . 172 174. /218/

50. . . , 1963, . 110. To an increasing degree national unity is maintained not by calls to blood and land but by a vague, intermittent, and routine allegiance to a civil state, supplemented to a greater or lesser extend by governmental use police powers and ideological exhortation.







IJ IV


1. -, 1993, c. 64.

2. Գ, . . Գ, 1992 (1806), . 33.

3. , 1973 (1972), . 452-453.

4. . , 1990, . 59. The government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance, requires only that they who live under its protection, should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving on all occasions their effectual support.

5. ˳, 1963, c. 165. Prayers could not be required as a part of the school exercises <...> religious education must be banished from the common school and consigned to the family and church <... >. Not only have the Episcopalian, the Presbyterian, the Baptist and the Methodist met on common and neutralgound in the school room, but with them the Unitarian, the Universalist, the Quaker and even the denier of all creed ( ).

6. , 1988, (1961), . 354 .

7. , 1991, . 29.

9. , 1991, . 190 (. 355 . ),

8. ³, 1992, . 2, . 441.

10. ³, 1991, . 83.

11. dz, 1947, . 199.

12. , 1954, . 52 58.

13. , 1973 (1972).

14. , 1925 (1899), . 90.

15. , 1988.

16. , 1925 (1899), . 170.

17. , 1971, . 123.

18. , 1988 (1961), . 314-315.

19. 1917 1918 .

20. ϳ, 1993.

21. ij, 1989, . 226.

22. . , 1992, . 86.

23. ˳, 1977, . 169.

24. , 1960, . 138.

25. , 1988 (1961), . 378 .

26. , 1976.

27. , 1989, . 7. English judges have emphasized that tolerance is bounded by notion of reasonableness and public policy and that foreign /219/ customs and laws will not be recognized or applied here if they are considered repugnant or otherwise offend the conscience of the court.

28. , 1989, c. 5.

29. , 1993, . 81.

30. , 1992, . 786.

31. , 1969 (1920?), . 588.

32. , 1947, . 627. Teils indirect materiellen, teils ideellen Interessen. . ͳ-.

33. , 1973, (1972), . 36.

34. , 1968.

35. . -㳺, 1991, . 311.

36. , 1962, . 299. . .

37. , 1993.

38. , 1991 (1986/87), . 261.







IJ V


1. . ҳ . ҳ볻, 1975, . 42.

2. , 1985.

3. , 1947 (1882), . 894.

4. , 1989 (1957), . 146.

5. , 1987, . 29.

6. , 1986 (1946), . 144.

7. , 1992, . 146.

8. . . -㳺, 1991, . 318.

9. , 1971, . 156.

10. , 1985.

11. , 1986, . 4. The concept of the nation is found to be inherently unstable and dualist.

12. . , 1976.

13. , 1991, . 24.

14. -, 1990.

15. , 1988.

16. , 1991, . 51 .; , 1992; , 1992.

17. . {Daedalus, 1978 p.), . , 1983, . 15.

18. Գ, 1992 (1806).

19. . Գ, 1992 (1806), . 26.

20. Գ, 1992 (1806), . 206.

21. . Գ, 1992 (1806), . 41 43.

22. . , 1992 (1882), . 24.

23. , 1976, . 241.

24. , (.), 1991, . 7. /220/

25. , 1944 .

26. , 1960, 1985.

27. , 1992.

28. Ƴ 1966; ³, 1982.

29. , 1984 1992.

30. , 1986, . 2. In many ways it is easier to grap nationalism, the ideological movement, than nations, the organizational cultures.

31. , 1985, c. 74.

32. , 1975, , 1972.

33. . -, 1963.

34. . . -, 1975, . 177 208.

35. , , 1990.

36. . ҳ볻, 1975, . 6. Nation remains one of the most puzzling and tendentious items of the political lexicon.

37. , -, 1988.

38. . . ˳, 1943, . ͳ, 1974. A state becomes a nation when instead of its members being primarily divided between sovereign and subjects, government and citizenship becomes a common task, demanding not passive citizenship but active cooperation from all.

39. E. . , 1962, . 21. A mode of integration of the whole society.

40. E. . , 1962, . 22. Civil societies.

41. . . , 1962, . 153. The nation in the sense of the whole society encompassed by the new civil state.

42. K. . , 1962, . 119. Transformation of the whole pattern of political life, a metamorphosis of subjects into citizens.

43. T. . -, 1975, . 59. The societal community presumes a relatively definable population of membership, which at this level we ordinarily call citizens for the modern case, and presumes as well that the collective organization of reference is politically organized on a territorial basis, that is, it maintains normative order and certain political decision-making processes covering the human events which occur within a defined territorial area. Finally, as a third primary criterion, at some level it is characterized by a common cultural tradition.

44. . -㳺, 1991.

45. . . -, 1963, . 4. How and when do nations break away from larger political units, and how do they triumph over smaller units, such as tribes, castes, or local states, and more or less integrate them into the political body of the nation?

46. , 1966, c. 188. A decisive factor in national assimilation or differentiation was found to be the fundamental process of social mobilization which accompanies the growth of markets, industries, and towns, and eventually of literacy and mass communication.

47. , 1966, c. 7 8. Open or latent resistance to political amalgamation into a common national state; minimal integration to the /221/ point of passive compliance with the orders of such an amalgamated government; deeper political integration to the point of active support for such a common state but with continuing ethnic or cultural group cohesion and diversity; and, finally, the coincidence of political amalgamation and integration with the assimilation of all groups to a common language and culture these could be the main stages on the way from tribes to nation.

48. , 1983, c. 24. Nationalism is rooted in a certain kind of division of labour, one which is complex and persistently, cumulatively changing.

49. , 1983, c. 37. This educational infrastructure is too large and costly for any organization other than the biggest one of all, the state. But at the same time, though only the state can sustain so large a burden, only the state is also strong enough to control so important and crucial a function.

50. , 1983, c. 140. Monopolizes legitimate culture almost as much as it does legitimate violence, or perhaps more so.

51. , 1983, c. 73.

52. , 1985 (1960), c. 147-148.

53. , 1983, c. 15. It is an imagined political ( . .) community and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.

54. , 1986, c. 215 216.

55. , 1982.

56. , 1991, c. 268 270.

57. Moc, 1969 (1920?), c. 586.

58. , 1983, c. 130-131.

59. , 1991, c. 8.

60. , 1991, c. 25.

61. , 1991, c. 30.

62. , 1983, . 20 21.

63. . . , . , 1990, . 250 259.

64. , 1991 (1986/1987), . 297.







1. , 1969 (1920?), . 625.

2. , 1988.

3. , 1993, III, 3, . 30.

4. , 1986.

5. , 1991, . 240.

6. , 1991, . 247.

7. , 1993. /222/









       




:   ( ) , . . , . , . , .   (  )



i ii, ii Ctrl+Enter.